AI & JOBS

Will adoption of Artificial Intelligence (AI) prove to be a job killer or enhancer? This blog post addresses this question from three perspectives:

  • How the U.S. job base has adapted in the past to changes in technology, cultural and economic environment — an empirical exercise drawing on the experience of historically observed shifts away from agricultural and then manufacturing employment.

  • What these changes suggest for how employment in the future may occur with AI adaptation across a seemingly never ending realms of human endeavor — a more speculative undertaking albeit drawing on informed opinions of recognized research organizations.

  • How the U.S. might adapt to AI changing employment prospects in as-needed stair-step fashion — reflecting factors favoring full employment rather than net job displacement.

This overview analysis indicates that prior year transitions from agriculture and then from manufacturing resulted in their respective shares of U.S. employment dropping by about 3-5% points per decade. If this experience is applied to AI, it would suggest a pace of change that could be absorbed by offsetting job growth in tech-focused sectors of the economy.

If the pace of AI-driven change occurs more rapidly as some sources suggest, net results could be more de-stabilizing for American workers. Advance preparation for potential business, worker and regulatory mitigation should be considered sooner rather than later so that effective measures can be ready to go before the prospective negatives overwhelm market and/or regulatory capacities to effectively respond.

U.S. Economic Adaptation

Let’s begin by reviewing the fundamental changes that have occurred with employment in the U.S. over the last 150 years. In that period, the country has gone from agrarian to industrial to post-industrial.

Based on employment data available, the analysis is divided between two time periods:

  • 1870-1930 - from post Civil War reconstruction to a 1st world war and to onset of the Great Depression.

  • 1940-2020 — from economic recovery to a 2nd world war and to emergence of a baby boomer dominated culture.

1870-1930

As depicted by the following graph, the U.S. economy took off on a tear post-Civil War, increasing from what the U.S. Census Bureau defined as just under 13 million gainfully employed Americans in 1870 to approximately 49 million in 1930. This is close to a 4-fold increase and equates to an average 2.2% per year job growth rate.

Sources: U.S. Census Bureau. Comparative Occupation Statistics: 1870-1830 (Part II).
As defined by the Census Bureau, total “gainful employment“ includes workers age 10 and above.

The number of gainfully employed workers went from less than 34% of nationwide population in 1870 to nearly 40% by 1930. Labor force participation was augmented by an increasing presence of women in the workforce as well as child labor.

Children ages 10-15 accounted for 1.75 million workers as of a 1900 peak — equating to about 6% of all U.S. employees. Women went from 15% of the employed workforce in 1870 to 22% by 2030.

From an occupational perspective, America was still a largely agrarian society in 1870 with agricultural workers accounting for over half (53%) of all jobs. As depicted by the following graph, 60 years later agriculture’s share of the gainfully employed was cut by more than half — to much reduced 21% share. This was due to introduction of labor saving innovations ranging from rural electrification to replacement of horses by petrol-powered farm equipment.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau.

Averaged over this 60 year time frame as a share of total employment, ag-related jobs dropped by just over 5 percentage points per decade. With agriculture employment less dominant, employment growth shifted to other sectors of the U.S. economy.

Manufacturing went from 20% of U.S. employment in 1870 to 30% in 1920, then dropping somewhat to 29% in the depression year of 1930. Full uptake of the industrial revolution spread to other sectors of the economy — increasing from 27% of all jobs in 1870 to just under 50% in 1930. Major beneficiaries of this more diversified upsurge included transportation, trade, professional services plus what the Census termed as clerical occupations.

1940-2020

This period is bookended by a second world war at its outset, followed by steady economic growth (albeit also with cultural upheaval) and then more volatile years economically with entry into the 21st century. As illustrated by the following graph, U.S. non-farm employment increased from 32 million in 1940 to 142 million as of 2020 — a more than 4-fold increase over 8 decades.

Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), Current Employment Statistics (CES) survey.
Note: BLS data sets use different definitions for the 1940-2020 period than for the earlier 1870-1930 Census Bureau data set and so are not directly comparable. CES data for the 1940-2020 time frame excludes farm employment. Separate BLS Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages (QCEW) data includes agriculture which as of 2022 now accounts for less than 1% of QCEW employment nationwide.

Even more importantly, the 8-decade period from World War II also marks the transition of a wartime and manufacturing led economy to a yet more diversified and service-focused job mix. The rate of job growth averaged 1.9% per year over this longer time period. This is somewhat below the 2.2% annual growth rate previously experienced as the nation was industrializing in part due to significant in-migration experienced from from 1870-1930 — albeit partially offset by increasing post-depression labor force participation over much of this most recent 80-year period.

Employment increased from 25% of population in 1940 to a peak of 47% in 2000, then dropped back over the next two decades to 43% as of 2020. As illustrated above, overall job growth also has stagnated over these past two most recent decades than previously from 1940-2000.

The post WWII era has not been kind to U.S. manufacturing — at least in terms of job share (as depicted by the graph below).

Manufacturing’s share of non-farm employment is now less than one third its share of employed workforce than in 1940 and 1950. From 31% of all jobs in 1940/50, manufacturing appears to have bottomed out a 9% share as of 2010/20 — equating to an average 3-4% point per decade drop in its share of non-farm jobs — but more stabilized this last decade from 2010-20. Uncertain is whether the current emphasis on re-shoring and shortened supply chains will prove to stem further domestic manufacturing employment erosion going forward.

A grouping of key service sectors stepped in to fill the void left by manufacturing’s reduced job share. Led by health care and professional services, all together these growth-oriented services have gone from 40% of non-farm employment in 1940/50 to peak out at 67-68% as of 2010/20. Other components of growth-oriented services include information, financial activities, leisure/hospitality and government.

All other sectors have stagnated in terms of job share, together declining from 29% to 24% of domestic employment over the 80 years from 1940-2020. These other slower growing sectors include natural resource extraction, construction, wholesale and retail trade, and transportation together with warehousing and utilities.

Reconciling AI to Employment

With this historical background in hand, we now switch to the more futuristic consideration of potential AI impacts on U.S. (and global) employment in the decades ahead.

AI Categories

Two primary categories of AI are on the table as being utilized or considered currently and in the years immediately ahead:

  • Narrow AI (ANI) — as the most common form of AI currently, used for highly specialized systems designed and trained for specific task(s). Applications range from speech recognition to health diagnostics to autonomous driving.

  • Artificial General Intelligence (AGI) — currently a theoretical and not yet proven concept but a longer term goal of AI research covering any intellectual task that a human can perform.

A potential as yet more distant and hypothetical 3rd category of artificial intelligence is superintelligent AI (ASI) — popular in science fiction and as a philosophical concept — which in theory that could surpass human intelligence in every aspect.

Potential Employment Impacts of ANI Implementation

For purposes of addressing employment impacts immediately ahead, the current focus is on ANI.

Evaluations of potential AI job-related impacts have been conducted by a number of recognized public and private organizations in recent years. Forecast impacts drawn from nine representative studies are briefly summarized as follows — some specific to the U.S. and others offering a more sweeping international perspective:

U.S. Focused Studies:

  • Oxford University (2013) — estimated that about 47% of US jobs are at risk to automation, with occupations characterized by low education attainment and wages likely downsized due to the “probability of computerization.”

  • PriceWaterhouseCooper (PWC/2017) — projecting that automation may impact 38% of U.S. jobs by the early 2030s with financial service jobs identified as most vulnerable short-term and transport jobs longer term.

  • Brookings Institution (2019) — projecting 18% of jobs are highly vulnerable to automation and that “better-paid, better educated workers face the most exposure.”

  • U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS/2022) — a detailed analysis of prior job changes but with no particular AI projected impact through this decade, albeit noting that prior projections of job losses have tended to overstate changes actually experienced.

Internationally Scoped Studies:

  • International Labor Organization (ILO/2016) — estimated 56% of all workers in Southeast Asia (Cambodia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam) are at risk of losing jobs over two decades with those in the garment industry especially vulnerable.

  • McKinsey Global Institute (MGI/2017) — estimated 400-800 million jobs will be displaced worldwide by 2030 (a 15-30% impact) — with half of of today’s work activities automated by about 2055.

  • World Economic Forum (WEF/2018) — with automation and AI displacing 75 million jobs with large multi-national firms by 2022 but more than offset by creation of 133 million new jobs .

  • Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD/2023) — currently estimating 27% of jobs in selected OECD countries of North America and Europe are in occupations at high risk of automation with particular focus on workers surveyed in finance and manufacturing.

  • Goldman Sachs (2023) — observing that the shift in workflows triggered by a new wave globally of AI systems could expose the equivalent of 300 million jobs to automation over the next decade, but with GDP increased by 7%.

Not surprisingly, these studies vary widely in their estimates of potential AI-related job losses. While some focus only on displacement, a few suggest that employment gains may more than offset reductions.

Time frames of analysis, geographic scope and methodologies also vary between studies. Researchers who focus on specific job tasks impacted by AI rather than more generalized occupational groupings tend to be associated with lesser levels of projected job displacement.

Some studies suggest that those most at risk of displacement are in lower paid occupations while others indicate major shifts ahead for professional and technical jobs. While these studies note a range of factors affecting the AI transition, there appears to be little to no emphasis on the ongoing value of human to human interaction as potentially mitigating job loss estimates.

As concluded by BLS in its 2022 analysis, “It is entirely possible that robotics and AI are simply another in a long line of waves of innovation whose effects on employment will unfold at rates comparable to those in the past.” If this proves to be the case with AI, at least for the U.S. it would suggest alignment with agricultural and manufacturing experience of a roughly 3-5% point job displacement factor per decade. This would equate to a range of perhaps 4.5-7.5+ million U.S. jobs displaced by AI-implementation per decade.

There are those who contend that job displacement with AI may be more rapid and profound than what has occurred with historical employment transitions — as with shifts away from agriculture and manufacturing employment. The probability of more severe AI displacement effects increases dramatically if applications shift more rapidly than expected from narrow AI (ANI) to human equivalent general AI (AGI).

Hurry Up & Slow Down

We conclude this review with summary observations leading to thoughts as to potential strategic response for “taming the AI tiger.”

Summary Observations

Three summary observations can be drawn from this review of forecast AI related employment impacts in the context of what is currently known about AI coupled with the experience of historically observed job shifts:

  • Over the last 150 years, the U.S. has experienced and ultimately adapted to dramatic changes in the composition of employment — going from an agricultural to manufacturing and then service based economy with AI now clearly taking shape as the next major wave of economic and cultural change.

  • While as-yet there is no consensus on the pace and composition of AI-related job shifts, prior U.S. experience suggests that the ANI era now underway can unfold incrementally over a multi-decade period — absorbed in ways that maintain full employment and increase GDP for improved quality of life. However, these beneficial outcomes are by no means guaranteed.

  • There is a distinct risk that AI roll-out could break with prior precedent especially if rapid implementation leads to job displacement that significantly exceeds offset opportunities. Economic and societal risks to humanity are significantly increased if the pace of AI innovation moves too quickly from ANI to AGI (or even more dramatically to ASI).

Taming the AI Tiger

The uncertainty surrounding positive versus negative outcomes of AI implementation suggests the imperative for a substantial if not radical change to the social contract between workers, employers and regulators. Most important will be the need for more flexible, adaptable and resilient mechanisms suitable for responding to both anticipated and unanticipated change.

Some responses to AI implementation can be expected to exacerbate net job displacement; others to focus on AI that favors full employment for those ready and willing to engage in gainful employment. Some mechanisms will be essentially market driven; others likely will require governmental or other regulatory intervention.

AI Implementation Resulting in Net Job Displacement

AI rollout that exacerbates the risk of net job displacement in conjunction with economic and social disruption could result from some combination of the following factors:

  • Rapid Market-Driven AI Rollout — especially by multi-national firms with industry set protocols together with minimal regulatory oversight.

  • Open Borders Migration & Free Trade — further incentivizing global competition and risk-taking.

  • Preference for Non-Human Interaction — reflecting potential changed social preferences except for low skilled, low wage employment not readily amenable to AI market penetration.

  • Subsidized ANI — if aimed primarily to further accelerate AI proliferation with minimal economic, equity and cultural guardrails.

  • Next Step AGI/ASI — with human-like robots and superintelligence leading to increasing AI control of economic and policy-making capability even before ANI is fully absorbed.

AI Implementation Favoring Full Employment

Conversely, there are potential market-based and regulatory mechanisms that can serve to favor full employment for those who continue to be labor force participants. These include:

  • Slowed Population & Labor Force Growth — as expected with reduced birth rates for the foreseeable future — fortuitously as a cushion to absorb potential for net AI-related job displacement and incent higher wage jobs.

  • Workforce Upskilling — continuous life-cycle training for AI-work integration.

  • Preference for Human Interaction — marketed to consumer desire for personal service over unfettered robot/bot interactions.

  • Employment Reshoring — with de-globalization at the cost of reducing labor productivity but maintaining key U.S. industries and associated jobs.

  • Governmental AI Regulation — aimed to match the pace of AI innovation with maintenance of full employment and social stability (and with carefully monitored R&D/commercialization of AGI/ASI).

  • Universal Basic Income (UBI) — as the end-all means offering fail-safe resources for workers displaced involuntarily or voluntarily with opportunity for individually determined artisanal entrepreneurship while retaining the incentive for gainful employment.

A Stair-Step Approach to Reconciling AI Implementation with Job Impacts

This blog post ends by suggesting a stair-step approach to recognizing and addressing AI effects in incremental step-by-step fashion, as needed. As illustrated by the following visual:

  • Going downstairs shows how AI may step-by-step result in ever more limited capacity to maintain full employment and income equity.

  • Conversely, the upstairs route depicts steps that might be considered and implemented to mitigate adverse impacts — supporting AI as a positive reinforcement to ever more gainful employment in a more prosperous world going forward.

Also illustrated with the graphic is the distinction between steps that are largely market-driven vis-a-vis regulatory and then those that reflect a hybrid market and regulatory approach.

Going upstairs need occur only to the extent that adverse job effects are being clearly experienced. Go only as far as needed at any point in time. But be prepared in advance so that effective measures can be ready to go before the prospective negatives overwhelm market and/or regulatory capacities to effectively respond.


This blog post has been prepared by from sources generally deemed to be reliable. However, accuracy is not guaranteed and information is subject to change without notice. Information regarding analysis of potential implications of AI for employment has involved use of material obtained from ChatGPT and Bing Chat inquiries, with separate fact checking conducted in preparation of this post.

WORKER PRODUCTIVITY - A NEEDED BOOST

A headwind to the Fed’s fight against inflation is the recent decline in U.S. worker productivity. This blog post reviews long- and short-term productivity trends together with more detailed consideration of productivity by economic sector and by state.

Key observations resulting from this review are four-fold:

  • From 2012 through the 1st quarter of 2023, U.S. labor productivity has increased at an average pace of 1.2% per year. However, productivity has gone negative over the most recent five quarters from 2022 to present.

  • If productivity could revert positive to the long-term norm, inflation could be reduced by an offsetting amount in the range of 2.5 - 3.0 percentage points on an annualized basis.

  • Over the past decade, the greatest worker productivity gains have been experienced by the mining, management, information and professional/business service sectors of the U.S. economy. The most prominent losers are associated with the educational services and transportation/warehousing sectors.

  • When considered by state and region, the most rapid productivity gains over the last decade were experienced in the western and northeast regions of the U.S. With the pandemic experience of 2021-22, these regions reversed position, with the west and northeast regions experiencing the greatest losses in labor productivity.

Overall Labor Force Productivity Experience

Quarter-by-quarter workplace productivity experience for the U.S. is depicted by the following chart — extending from 2012 to 2023/Q1.

Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). Data is compiled on a quarterly basis. Labor productivity is defined by BLS as the value of U.S. output value per labor hour.

As indicated by the graph (and counterintuitively), after years of relatively stable change, productivity peaked during the early pandemic years of 2020-2021, then went sharply negative in the post-pandemic recovery period starting the 1st quarter of 2022.

While long-term productivity has averaged gains of 1.2% per year, productivity dropped to an negative 1.5% annualized rate from the 1st quarter of 2022 through to the first quarter of 2023.

The productivity experience of 2020 to present appears skewed by the disparate effects of sectoral employment changes through the pandemic and beyond to economic recovery. Adverse effects of the early pandemic period and associated lock-downs were disproportionately experienced by lower wage hospitality, retail and personal service workers. Higher wage white collar workers who could work remotely are associated with higher productivity (as measured in terms of output value per labor hour).

Conversely, economic recovery came last to these same lower wage workers in customer-facing positions. As these sectors are associated with lower output value per labor hour, a somewhat perverse effect of re-normalizing has been to dampen worker productivity with post-pandemic recovery to-date.

A simplistic conclusion might be that the easiest path to increasing productivity is to get rid of lower wage jobs. However that is, at best, a short-term expedient — not sustainable either for the temporarily displaced workers or the long-term functioning of a full service economy.

There is one other factor at work through this disruptive period and continuing— of significance to productivity long-term. This is the exit of a large number of aging baby boomers from the workforce, being replaced by a smaller cohort of GenZ entries currently into the labor force.

The productivity loss of experienced workers has yet to be offset by downstream potential as GenZ and millennial workers transition to hit their full productivity stride. Getting there sooner rather than later will be pivotal to deflating structural inflation pressure and better assuring economic prosperity going forward.

Productivity by Economic Sector

This is not the full productivity story. Also important to briefly review is productivity by economic sector and by state/region of the U.S.

Over the decade from 2011-2021, output per hour associated with U.S. private sector employment has increased by 16%. However, as illustrated by the following graph, productivity changes have varied widely by economic sector.

Source: BLS. Output per labor hour is calculated based only on private sector employment.

The greatest private sector productivity gains noted are with mining — up by 80% in a decade. Other strong gains are indicated for information (notably software and information technology associated with high wages), retail trade (shift to big box stores and e-commerce), management of firms, administrative/waste management services, professional/business services and wholesale trade. Declining productivity is noted for transport/warehouse functions, (private) educational services and (surprisingly) for manufacturing.

Productivity by State & Region

Finally, it is worth considering productivity experience of U.S. states and geographic regions — over both the last decade and also most recently as experienced from 2021-22 (a period of declining productivity nationally). The first map below depicts % changes in labor force productivity over the decade long period of 2012-22. Darker colors are noted for states with greater productivity increases.

Source: BLS.

#1 in productivity gain for the U.S. over the last decade is Washington state — led by technology-related firms with an overall 29% gain in output per labor hour. #2 is Colorado, followed by California, Nebraska and Utah.

Alaska is associated with the worst productivity experience with output per labor hour dropping by 12% over the last decade — followed by Louisiana, Nevada, Delaware, Mississippi and Wyoming. With the exception of these six states, all other states experienced some level of productivity gain.

When considered by region of the U.S., western states experienced a 19% productivity gain — most in the U.S. — followed by the northeast and then the midwest. Southern states experienced the lowest productivity gain — up by just over 8% for the decade.

The second map (shown below) depicts the very different and most recent productivity experience of 2021-22. Of the 50 states, 37 have experienced productivity declines with just 13 showing productivity gains.

Source: BLS.

The #1 gainer was Idaho — with productivity up by 4% in just the one year from 2021-22. #2 is Minnesota, followed by Nebraska, Connecticut and Kentucky.

The worst performers for this most recent one-year period were Alaska (down by 7% in one year), followed by Louisiana, Nevada, Hawaii, North Dakota and Mississippi. These appear to be states with strong dependence on tourism and/or agriculture. Four of these states were also among the lowest productivity performers over the last decade (as well as for the most recent year).

In terms of broader regions of the U.S., midwestern states were the least negatively affected from 2021-22 with the west region most adversely affected.

Bottom Line

Two concluding observations:

  • Restoring productivity from the experience of the last year is pivotal to Whip Inflation Now (or WIN) as known during the nation’s 1974-era bout with inflation.

  • Getting there sooner than later requires focus on a successful and fast-paced productivity transition from the baby boomer driven economy of the last 30-40 years to the increasingly millennial and GenX reliant cohorts of today’s labor force — including but not limited to commercialized artificial intelligence (AI) applications.

For comments on this blog post or to request inclusion on my email notification list for future E. D. Hovee blog posts, please email, addressed to: ehovee@edhovee.com

Also note: A listing of and links to past blog posts is available at:
Blog Post Listing.

WAGE GAINS - FOR BETTER & WORSE

With this blog post, I review changing hourly wage rates across the U.S. economy from 2012 to present (as of April 2023). Considered is the pattern of month-to-month changes and overall trends pre- and post-pandemic by economic sector.

Key observations are essentially three-fold:

  • The pace of wage growth has accelerated over the last decade — both as a contributor and response to inflationary pressure.

  • From the pandemic to present, annualized wage gains have ramped up to more than double the pace of wage increases pre-pandemic — also wage trends are now more volatile than previously experienced.

  • Workers most benefitted — especially since 2020 — have been retail and hospitality at the lower end of the wage scale. Their recent gains are long overdue and would be jeopardized if the U.S. now goes into recession in the continued fight by the Federal Reserve to bring inflation back too quickly to the Fed’s 2% annual inflation target.

Monthly Change Pattern & Volatility

The following graph depicts monthly changes in year-over-year % wage changes across all private non-farm employment in the U.S. Changes are calculated as the average of a particular month’s average wage as compared with the same month’s wage figure one year earlier.

Source is U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Current Employment Statistics (BLS/CES). Time series data is from January 2012 - April 2023 with one month’s change calculated relative to the the same month one year earlier. For example, the change figure for January 2013 is calculated as the % change from January 2012 to January 2013. The curvilinear trend is calculated as an exponential function which provides a better albeit imperfect statistical fit (or R-square) than a straight-line linear trend. the BLS/CES data series does not include wage rate data for the governmental sector.

Over this full time period from 2012 to 2023 year-to-date (YTD), overall private sector wages have increased by a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 3.4% per year. Two distinct periods can be identified over this approximately 10-year time frame:

  • Wage rate increases averaging 2.5% per year from 2013-19 — albeit with monthly variations of generally up to about +/- 1% point above or below the overall trend.

  • Wage rate growth escalating to a 5.4% annualized rate from 2020 (with pandemic) to 2023 YTD — and with substantially greater month-to-month volatility.

Much of the monthly change volatility is associated with disparate employment impacts of the pandemic. For example, the nearly 8% wage spike of April 2020 reflects mass layoffs early in the pandemic — concentrated with lower wage retail and hospitality (including dining) sectors. With low wage sectors laid off, the wage average for all remaining employed workers increases — in this case a skewed indicator of overall worker prosperity.

Also noted is the upward trend in wage rates over this full time period - gradually occurring even pre-pandemic. For example, annualized wage increases averaged 2.0% year-over-year in 2013, increasing to a 3.3% annual wage gain in 2019 — then spiking further in subsequent years through the pandemic and subsequent economic recovery. In effect, there was clear evidence of growing upward wage inflationary pressure building throughout the past decade — providing a cautionary warning well ahead of the CPI inflationary spike coming to a head in 2022.

Of most recent concern — especially for the Federal Reserve — is the increase in wage rates from a 4.2% annualized rate in March 2023 to a 5.1% increase in April. This suggests potentially more difficulty ahead to dampen inflation — especially if primary reliance continues to be placed on interest rate increases to achieve the Fed’s 2% long-term annual inflation rate objective.

Wage Gains by Sector

A deeper dive is possible by reviewing wage rate experience by sector — also distinguished by pre-pandemic versus 2020 to present experience. This is illustrated by the following chart covering 13 major sectors of the private sector U.S. economy.

Source: BLS/CES Governmental sector wage information is not provided by this BLS dataset, as wage information is limited to private sector non-farm employment.

As indicated by the graph:

  • From 2013-19, the most rapid wage gains pre-pandemic occurred with the information sector — largely attributable to software and internet related employment — with wages increasing by just over 4% on an annualized basis. Of added note is that the historically low-wage leisure and hospitality sector experienced the second highest rate of wage gains, up by just over 3% per year.

  • From 2020-present, leisure and hospitality moved up to #1 wage gainer, with wages increasing at an annualized rate of 7.3% per year — followed by retail workers with wages up at a nearly 6% annual rate. This has occurred in response to the great difficulty of re-hiring lower wage customer service (or front-line) workers laid off in the pandemic — with resulting pressure to hike wages (and benefits) as a means to entice workers back.

What About Government Workers?

While the BLS Current Employment Survey (CES) does not provide wage information for government workers, a separate Quarterly Census of Employment & Wages (QCEW) database does provide public sector wage data — in terms of average weekly wages. As of the 3rd quarter of 2022 (for the most recent information currently available), the average weekly wage for federal employees was 148% of the average wage across all industry sectors. State government was 9% and local government 1% above the all industry average. Despite more rapid pay increases recently, leisure and hospitality wages had moved up to just 45% of the all industry average (as of 2022/Q3).

In terms of changes, leisure and hospitality wages have improved their position relative to the government sector, especially in the most recent period from 2019-2022/Q3. Within government, state and local governments have experienced more rapid wage increases since 2019 — but still remain well below average federal pay levels.

Take-Aways

While unfortunately the private and public sector data are not fully comparable, it appears that the greatest beneficiaries of upward wage pressure over the last decade (and especially from 2020 to present) have comprised two very different groups of U.S. workers:

  • Lower paid hospitality and retail workers — whose recent and long-overdue pay increases have provided improved equity across the wage spectrum — but for whom further gains could be jeopardized if the U.S. economy goes into recession in an effort to bring inflation back too quickly to the Fed target rate of 2% per year.

  • Government employees — especially those employed by state and local governmental entities — whose wage increases through the pandemic and recovery have exceeded average wage gains across all private and private sector workers combined. These public sector workers generally were already receiving pay at or above the all industry average (except for those in local government).

To summarize, this review indicates that the pace of wage growth has accelerated over the last decade, first as a contributor and then a response to inflation. With the pandemic, wage gains have ramped up to more than double the pace of payroll gains experienced pre-pandemic. And paradoxically, while inflation negatively affects most households, lower income service workers have at least benefited from above average wage gains — a benefit long overdue.

Postcript: ChatGPT on BLS Wage & Hours Data

In compiling comparative wage information for this blog post, the following data question surfaces:

Why doesn't the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics report wage and hours data with its CES survey for government employment when this data is included for other employment sectors?

Not readily finding the answer via a quick Google search, this question was posed to ChatGPT. Here is the response of May 4, 2023:

The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) collects and reports data on employment, wages, and hours for various industries and sectors through a number of surveys, including the Current Employment Statistics (CES) survey. However, the CES survey does not include wage and hours data for government employment.

One reason for this is that government employment is typically subject to different laws, regulations, and collective bargaining agreements than other sectors. As a result, the collection and reporting of wage and hours data for government employment requires a different approach and may involve additional challenges.

Furthermore, the BLS does collect and report data on wages and hours for government employees through other surveys, such as the National Compensation Survey (NCS). The NCS is a separate survey that focuses specifically on compensation practices and trends for private and public sector employees in the United States.

In summary, the BLS collects and reports data on wages and hours for various sectors and industries through different surveys, and the exclusion of this data from the CES survey for government employment is likely due to the unique nature of government employment and the need for specialized data collection methods.

Helpful, yes - somewhat. However, the answer remains not entirely clear.

For comments on this blog post or to request inclusion on my email notification list for future E. D. Hovee blog posts, please email me, addressed to: ehovee@edhovee.com

Also note: A listing of and links to past blog posts is available at:
Blog Post Listing.

POST PANDEMIC - WINNERS & LOSERS

In 2016, I prepared a review of changes in U.S. employment subsequent to the Great Recession of 2007-09, web-link: Post-Recession Winners & Losers. Seven years later, I have now updated the analysis to address strong and lagging sectors of the economy through the COVID pandemic and subsequent recovery. Time period for this review is from 2019 (a peak employment year just prior to the pandemic) to 2022 (with post-pandemic recovery to date).

The story with this update: plenty of change but no huge surprises. With opportunities for again reshuffling the deck of employment winners and losers in the years ahead.

Strong & Lagging Sectors

Strong and lagging sectors of the U.S. economy are visually represented by the following chart. Covered are 12 major non-farm sectors - in terms of current employment size, job change and wage change:

  • Relative 2022 employment size of each sector is indicated by the size of its named circle/bubble.

  • Change in employment from 2019-22 is indicated by the X-axis. Sectors to the right of the chart have experienced stronger job growth (numerically) than those to the left with lesser employment growth or job loss.

  • Hourly wage change is indicated by the Y-axis. Sectors to the top of the chart experienced stronger gains in hourly wage rates than those below — albeit with no accompanying wage data published by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) for the governmental sector.

Big Picture Look

What the data shows is that the U.S. had a total of 152.6 million non-farm jobs as of 2022. This represents a 1.1% (or 1.7 million job) increase over pre-pandemic (2019) employment of 150.9 million.

Average hourly wage for non-governmental employment has increased by 15% over this same 3-year time period.

Sectoral Highlights

Key highlights are summarized as follows:

  • Private education/health services represents the single largest sector of the U.S. economy ad of 2022, accounting for 24.35 million jobs followed by professional and business services, then government.

  • Leisure/hospitality, retail trade and manufacturing and come in at the 4th, 5th and 6th largest sectors. Together the top 6 sectors now account for over 113 million jobs (or 74%) of U.S. non-farm employment.

  • Net job increases over the past three years are accounted for primarily by two sectors — professional/business services and transportation/warehousing — together representing over 100% of net job growth in three years. Other sectors experienced more anemic job growth including five sectors for which employment had not yet recovered to pre-pandemic levels as of 2022 (meaning continued net job loss).

  • In terms of pay, the #1 gainer was the relatively small utilities sector — with hourly wages up by about $5.70 per hour over this 3-year time period. Strong gains in dollar terms also are noted for financial and professional/business services — with high percentage increases noted for traditionally lower paid leisure/hospitality and retail sectors.

Taken together, sectors with strong employment and/or wage growth through the pandemic and beyond are professional/business services, transport/warehousing (i.e., the Amazon effect) and financial services. Leisure/hospitality and government are associated with the greatest net job losses with other sectors relatively tightly clustered in terms of employment and wage increases.

Comparison with Recovery from the Great Recession

Key points of comparison with experience of 2010-15 recovery from the Great Recession and more recent experience with the pandemic and ensuing re-normalization through 2022 recovery are noted as follows:

  • Both then and now the #1 job gainer nationally was with professional and business services. A surprise growth sector through the pandemic was with transportation and warehousing (as the Amazon effect with less brick and mortar retailing).

  • Leisure and Hospitality (including dining) was a major source of job growth coming out of the Great Recession; employment in this sector has yet to recover from experience of the COVID pandemic and associated business curtailments. Government (federal, state, local) which was losing employment in the 2010-15 period is continuing to shrink its employee job base (not counting contractual services) more recently through 2022.

  • From a wage perspective, by far the greatest jump in compensation from 2010-15 was experienced by the information sector, notably in software. More recently, the largest pay gains (in $ terms) have been with professional/business and financial services — as well as with the much smaller but high paying utilities sector.

Looking Forward

Whether and to what extent these changing patterns of job and pay persist or shift yet again remains to be seen. Look for potential break-out performances ahead to the mid-2020s for one or more of the sectors near the center of this most recent performance cluster.

Domestic manufacturing may benefit from de-globalization and re-shoring. Information may transition from focus on consumer interests to needs for improved workplace productivity and AI/automation. Health care employment may surge to serve rapid aging of the population, especially if public/private cost and funding issues are better addressed. And construction may benefit from multiple sources — addressing the residential supply gap, renewed industrial investment and/or national energy and infrastructure priorities.

DRILLING DOWN ON U.S. MANUFACTURING

In my last blog post of June 3, 2022, the question was posed: Did states with manufacturing job resiliency through the pandemic also fare better in terms of total job change? The tentative answer offered with that initial analysis and blog post is that manufacturing and total employment growth tend to go hand-in-hand — albeit more so in some states than others.

With this post, I drill down a bit more on specific sectors in manufacturing and their comparative performance through the pandemic up to mid-2022.

Composition of U.S. Manufacturing

As of mid-2022, manufacturing accounted for 12.8 million jobs or 8.4% of all non-farm jobs in the U.S. The following graph shows the distribution of these jobs by specific manufacturing sector.

Source: U.S. BLS Current Employment Statistics (CES).

As illustrated, the two largest sectors from an employment perspective are transportation and food manufacturing — each accounting for more than 13% of U.S. manufacturing jobs (in effect better than a quarter of American manufacturing when considered together). Fabricated metals represents over 11% of U.S. manufacturing. No other sector exceeds 10% of the manufacturing job total.

Pandemic Era Manufacturing Job Change

As of mid-2022, manufacturing had fully recovered from employment losses experienced in the pandemic — especially as occurred in the initial lockdown months over the Spring of 2022. While overall manufacturing employment is back to where it was pre-pandemic, some industry sectors have fared better than others in the last 2+ years — as depicted by the following graph.

Source: U.S. BLS Current Employment Statistics (CES).

What we see is a clear differentiation between manufacturing winners and losers — at least from a jobs perspective:

  • Somewhat surprisingly, the biggest winners are chemicals and food product manufacturing — each up by about 46,000 jobs from February 2020 to June 2022. Other strong gains ae noted for beverages, plastics/rubber, wood products and electrical equipment.

  • The most substantial job losers are noted as featuring printed materials and transportation equipment (each down by 43-44,000 jobs nationally). Printed materials have suffered with transition of written material from hard copy to electronic media. Transportation manufacturing has been affected by issues ranging from aircraft safety to lack of semiconductor components for vehicles. Other significant job losses are noted for the combination of primary and fabricated metal products and machinery.

Also surprisingly, computer and electronic products manufacturing added only 1,100 jobs in the U.S. over the pandemic period — a time of strong demand for these products albeit with substantial import activity.

All together, manufacturing sectors with job gains tallied close to 210,000 net new jobs added domestically over this 2+ year period. Loser sectors accounted for a nearly offsetting reduction approaching a combined total of 200,000 jobs lost.

What does the pandemic experience have to say for domestic manufacturing going forward? Two thoughts:

  • First, it is impressive that, as a group, manufacturers largely held their ground through the pandemic — a better track record than for many of the commercial service and institutional sectors of the economy. This is a hopeful portent for continued manufacturing reinvigoration, especially at a time of what appears to be the emerging trend of de-globalization.

  • Second, it is concerning that some sectors that seemingly should have performed better but did not. This is especially the case for computer and electronic products for which job counts have remained essentially flat. Similarly concerning is the weak performance of metals and machinery manufacturing. Somewhat unclear is whether touted benefits of domestic re-shoring have been blunted by other factors ranging from increased productivity (as with automation) to supply chain issues (as with securing raw materials). Job growth across these core manufacturing activities will be critical if America is to continue the economic reclamation of its heartland with reduced dependence on what may be now perceived as less reliable vendors globally.

A couple of added items may be of note. One is the extent to which paper products (including printed materials) are succumbing to electronic information. Also noted is the weak job domestic performance of petroleum and coal products even in the face of global energy supply constraints.

So, going forward, as a takeoff on Mark Twain, the rumored death of American manufacturing may prove to have been greatly exaggerated. Signs of a comeback are evident but sustained success is by no means assured.

Greater domestic economic self-reliance can be of benefit for reasons ranging from supply chain management to reduced inflationary pressure to protection of U.S. defense capability. Getting there depends less on attempting to pick winners versus losers than on fostering a level playing field globally coupled with a can-do culture where making things again becomes a source of American pride and prosperity.

Manufacturing & Total Job Change Thru the Pandemic

With this blog post, I take a look at the relationship between manufacturing and total job change through the pandemic. The question is: Did states with manufacturing job resiliency through the pandemic also fare better in terms of total job change?

The tentative answer offered with this initial analysis and blog post is that manufacturing and total employment growth tend to go hand-in-hand — albeit more so in some states than others.

Overall Employment Change

For this initial analysis, I compare employment as of December 2019 (pre-pandemic) with subsequent employment for December 2021 (as the nation was emerging from the pandemic. The map below illustrates rates of U.S. non-farm employment growth (darker green) versus job loss (lighter green) state-by-state.

Over this two-year period, Utah experienced the strongest jobs gain, with total non-farm employment increasing by 3.9% from December 2019 - December 2021. Utah was followed by Idaho, Texas, Arizona and Montana in % job growth at positions 2-5, respectively.

Of the 50 states, just these five states had regained their 2019 job count two years later. The other 45 states had yet to recover to pre-pandemic levels.

#50 in job change was Hawaii, with 11.9% fewer jobs in December 2019 than two years earlier. Other major job losers were New York, Vermont, Louisiana, Alaska, and Nevada (at positions 49-45, respectively).

Manufacturing Job Change

We now shift to focus in on change in manufacturing employment over this same two-year period (as illustrated by the second map below). While the manufacturing winners and losers do not align precisely there are similarities — but with some striking exceptions.

The #1 job manufacturing job gainer is Alaska (up by 14.1% in two years). This is remarkable as Alaska ranked a lowly 46th in terms of total job change). For at least this state, success on one front (manufacturing) is no guarantee of similar accomplishment on the other (total employment).

Other major manufacturing job gainers were Utah, Montana, Rhode Island and New Mexico (at positions 2-5). Only two states make the top five listing in terms of both manufacturing and total job growth — Utah and Montana.

Of the 50 states, 13 gained manufacturing jobs from December 2019 - December 2021. The other 37 experienced no net change or lost manufacturing employment.

The greatest percentage loss in manufacturing employment occurred in Hawaii — also the biggest loser in terms of total employment. Other significant losers of manufacturing employment are Delaware, Washington, Oklahoma, Louisiana, and New Hampshire (at positions 49-45, respectively). Only two states — Hawaii and Louisiana — show up in the bottom five in terms of total as well as manufacturing job change.

States with historically high proportions of manufacturing employment do not appear to be showing up among either the winners or losers in terms of recent employment shifts. Indiana has the highest concentration of manufacturing jobs at 18% of its state’s total employment — followed by Wisconsin at 17%. Other states with more than 10% of employment in manufacturing are all also in the industrial heartland of Alabama, Arkansas, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Ohio, South Carolina, and Tennessee. Not experiencing major gains or losses relative to the full U.S., but largely holding their own.

Correlating Manufacturing & Total Job Change

So what can we say about the relationship between manufacturing and total employment change over two years of pandemic-related experience? As illustrated by the scatter plot below — maybe a little, maybe a lot.

As permitted by space available on the above scatter-plot, states associated with particular outcomes are noted, especially for the outliers. Unfortunately, there is not space to separately identify observations that are tightly clustered in close proximity to experience of other states.

Two quick observations are suggested:

  • There clearly appears to be some overall association between change in manufacturing and total job change over the last two years. States that tended to hold their own with manufacturing tended to also perform better with respect to overall job resilience. As illustrated by the (dotted) trend line, on average a 1% point increase in manufacturing employment is associated with a 1.6% point increase in total employment. That’s saying something — especially for those states clustered close to the trend line.

  • However, there also appears to be considerable variation in outcomes meaning that other factors are also at work in shaping state-by state outcomes. This is particularly apparent with some of the more extreme outliers — as with Hawaii, the Virgin Islands, Alaska and the District of Columbia. Factors such as relative tourism dependency, historic manufacturing orientation and historic as well as pandemic-related regulatory practices (as with lockdowns) appear to have played a role — though are not explicitly quantified with this overview analysis.

Does manufacturing employment drive total job change? Or vice versa — is strong manufacturing employment growth a result of overall job gains? No claim is made as to which is the dependent versus independent variable. Very possibly, there is some form of a feedback loop — with manufacturing growth supporting stronger overall job growth which further enhances a state’s manufacturing prospects.

More detailed evaluation of the linkage between manufacturing and overall employment growth is likely to be the subject of future blog posts. In the meantime, the overall observation is that manufacturing and total employment growth tend to go hand-in-hand — albeit more so in some states than others.

If one is looking at this question from the perspective of an economic development practitioner, there is some case to be made for manufacturing growth as a useful strategy for overall employment change and resilience. This is perhaps even more so with renewed emphasis on improved U.S. manufacturing competitiveness for reasons ranging from better managed supply chains to improved national defense and homeland security.